Tense and Aspect: 3. The Marked Tense, Part 1

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5jj

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Tense and Aspect: 3. The Marked Tense - Part One

3.1. Traditional 'Rules'

This tense, the traditional ‘past simple’, sometimes referred to as the preterit(e)https://d.docs.live.net/9046edaeb9e7aadb/Documents/UE marked tense.docx#_edn1, like the unmarked tense, can refer to past, present, future and general time. Typical lists in English grammars of uses of the tense include such uses as:


  1. Single action in the past: Emma woke up at 6.30.
  2. Continuous or repeated actions in the past: I played football twice a week when I was at school.
  3. State in the past: Peter was ill for the last ten years of his life.
  4. Polite conversation marker (present or future): Excuse me. I wondered if you were free now.
  5. Present regret: I wish I had a job that paid more.
  6. Hypothetical future (viewed as not very probable): If I didn't get my degree next year, my father would be very disappointed.

  1. Counterfactual Present: I wish my parents were here to see this.

As with the unmarked tense, it is true that the uses of the marked tense can be described in such ways as those noted, but such descriptions are not very helpful for the learner.

3.2. The Marked 'Rule'

AI believe that simple 'rule' that covers all uses of the marked form is:

We use the marked form when we wish to distance the situation - in vividness/time, reality, or directness.

3.2.1. Distancing[ii] in Vividness/Time

As we saw in an earlier thread, it is perfectly normal for a speaker to describe a past situation using the unmarked form:

§2.6. Then this chap just walks up to me and punches me.

The fact that the speaker has chosen not to distance the situation (which speaker and listener know from the context is distanced in time) makes the situation real, vivid. In historic narrative and magazine articles the speaker/writer similarly chooses not to distance the situation. It is presented as something real and vivid, brought closer to us by the lack of distancing:


  1. 3[SUP]rd[/SUP] September 1939. 11 o'clock. Millions of people all over Britain gather anxiously round their radio sets. The strained voice of the Prime Minister comes across the air: "I have to tell you ...."


  1. The Chancellor smiles almost ruefully as I pose the question. “Policies are more important than people," he begins, but we both know that voters disagree.

It is not the tense of the verb that shows us the time but such factors as explicit time markers [8] or the shared knowledge that the situation described occurred in the past [9]. With no context provided, an utterance such as:


  1. We live in a one-room flat in Bootle,

having no tense marking to show distancing, implies that the situation is not distanced, i.e., is true now (as it was for some unspecified time in the past and will be for some unspecified time in the future). However, if a context is known or provided, as when an old man is talking of his youth and says:

10a. We both want kids, but we live in a one room flat in Bootle with her mother, so...

then it is clear that a past-time situation is being described; the speaker has chosen not to distance it in vividness.

What is past, even a few moments ago, is often viewed as past, finished, done with. It is therefore common for speakers/writers to use the marked (distancing) form of the verb to describe past situations, but it is not essential, as we have seen. The speaker/writer has the free choice: to distance or not to distance. One might well consider this as Grammar as Choice[iii]. Without explicit or implicit context, the use of the marked tense does not of itself imply past time; and describing past time does not necessarily involve the use of the unmarked tense.

The distribution of present and past tense verbs differs considerably across registers[iv] . As we might expect, the former is more common in conversation and academic prose, the latter in fiction[v].


https://d.docs.live.net/9046edaeb9e7aadb/Documents/UE marked tense.docx#_ednref1 e.g., Kruisinga ([1911] 1931.22), Jespersen ((1931.7), Huddleston (1995.102)


[ii] Some writers use the word ‘remote(ness)’ rather than the ‘distancing’ that I prefer, e.g., Kruisinga ([1911] 1931.25), Lewis (1986.68-73, 160), Yule (1999.5), Huddleston (2002.148-9).
Chalker (1984.98) uses both distancing and remote. Joos, Martin (1964.121): The unmarked tense will be called actual and the marked one remote. The modern English remote tense has the categorical meaning that the referent (what is specified by the subject-verb partnership) is absent from that part of the real world where the verb is being spoken. [...] remoteness in time in English is always categorically past time. This is one English kind of remoteness. [...] the other kind [is] unreality. The modern English remote tense has exactly the same form, no matter whether the meaning is unreality or past reality. For Yule (1998.59), the basic concept of the present tense is non remote + factual that of the past tense denoting remoteness in time is remote + factual; that of the past tense denoting hypothetical situations (remoteness in reality) is remote + non-factual.


[iii] Close (1992. 1-2) presented the idea of Grammar as Choice (for example the selection of a particular tense or aspect for an utterance) as opposed to Grammar of Fact (for example the fact that the plural of CHILD is CHILDREN, not *CHILDS). As Lewis (in Close, 1992.v) pointed out, there are many situations in English where the language user has a choice between two possible 'right' sentences, in the sense of grammatically well-formed, but where each has a slightly different meaning.

I differ from Lewis only in believing that there are often more than two possible 'right' sentences. In these threads, the idea that the speaker chooses one particular verb form rather than any other within each context of situation underlies much of what is written. It might well be that in any tightly defined context of situation most native speakers would make a similar or even identical choice of words; however, we cannot normally give 'rules' for what must be said.



[iv] Biber et al (1999.456)


[v] Biber et al (1999.457-8) suggest that the preference for present tense verbs in conversation reflects

speakers’ general focus on the immediate context […]. Academic prose, on the other hand, uses the present tense not so much to focus on the immediate context as to imply a lack of time restriction, with the present subsuming past and future time.

[…]

… fiction writers use past tense verbs much more frequently than present tense verbs. In fact, many fictional narratives are written entirely in the past tense […] with present tense verbs being used only in the direct speech attributed to fictional characters.

I suggest that the preference of fiction writers for marked tense stems from the concept of distancing in time; the situations reported are clearly presented as actualizing before the present time, even for science-fiction novels set in the future from the reader’s point of view, but in the past from the writer’s point of view.

The distribution of the tenses is more even in the register of news. The relative frequency of the unmarked tense in headlines presents the situation vividly to attract readers’ attention. In the actual reports, the unmarked tense/aspect-forms are normally used for ongoing situations, marked forms for past-time situations.

Continued here: https://www.usingenglish.com/forum/threads/287495-Tense-and-Aspect-3-The-Marked-Tense-Part-2
 
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5jj

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It's possible that these threads may turn into articles in this section of the site. I am therefore trying to make them more accessible to learners, simplifying them a little and cutting out the tedious citations and comments.

Below is my attempt at the marked tense threads. Any suggestions for improvement, cutting, etc, will be most welcome - and will be acknowledged in the articles if they appear in that section.


Tense and Aspect: 3. The Marked Tense/Past Simple - Part One


3.1. Traditional 'Rules'

This tense, the traditional ‘past simple’, sometimes referred to as the preterit(e), like the unmarked tense, can refer to past, present, future and general time. Typical lists in English grammar books of uses of the tense include such uses as:


  1. Single action in the past: Emma woke up at 6.30.
  2. Continuous or repeated actions in the past: I played football twice a week when I was at school.
  3. State in the past: Peter was ill for the last ten years of his life.
  4. Polite conversation marker (present or future): Excuse me. I wondered if you were free now.
  5. Present regret: I wish I had a job that paid more.
  6. Hypothetical future (viewed as not very probable): If I didn't get my degree next year, my father would be very disappointed.
  7. Counterfactual Present: I wish my parents were here to see this.

As with the unmarked tense, it is true that the uses of the marked tense can be described in such ways as those noted, but such descriptions are not very helpful for the learner.

3.2. The Marked 'Rule'

A simple 'rule' that covers all uses of the marked form is:

We use the marked form when we wish to distance the situation - in vividness/time, reality, or directness.

3.2.1. Distancing in Vividness/Time

As we saw here, it is perfectly normal for a speaker to describe a past situation using the unmarked form:

§2.6. Then this chap just walks up to me and punches me.

The fact that the speaker has chosen not to distance the situation (which speaker and listener know from the context is distanced in time) makes the situation real, vivid. In historic narrative and magazine articles the speaker/writer similarly chooses not to distance the situation. It is presented as something real and vivid, brought closer to us by the lack of distancing. It is not the tense of the verb that shows us the time but such factors as explicit time markers or the shared knowledge that the situation described occurred in the past. With no context provided, an utterance such as:

8. We live in a one-room flat in Bootle,

having no tense marking to show distancing, implies that the situation is not distanced, i.e., is true now (as it was for some unspecified time in the past and will be for some unspecified time in the future). However, if a context is known or provided, as when an old man is talking of his youth and says:

8a. We both want kids, but we live in a one room flat in Bootle with her mother, so...

then it is clear that a past-time situation is being described; the speaker has chosen not to distance it in vividness.

What is past, even a few moments ago, is often viewed as past, finished, done with. It is therefore common for speakers/writers to use the marked (distancing) form of the verb to describe past situations, but it is not essential, as we have seen. Without explicit or implicit context, the use of the marked tense does not of itself imply past time; and describing past time does not necessarily involve the use of the unmarked tense. The speaker/writer has the free choice: to distance or not to distance. One might well consider this as Grammar as Choice. ( Close (1992. 1-2) presented this idea of Grammar as Choice (for example the selection of a particular tense or aspect for an utterance) as opposed to Grammar as Fact (for example the fact that the plural of CHILD is CHILDREN, not *CHILDS). As Lewis (in Close, 1992.v) pointed out, there are many situations in English where the language user has a choice between two possible 'right' sentences, in the sense of grammatically well-formed, but where each has a slightly different meaning.


3.2.2. Distancing in Reality


Consider these two utterances:

9. Well, he has been in his new job a month now. I hope he likes it.
10. Well, he has been in his new job a month now. I wish he liked it.

In both, the underlined verb refers to the present or general (i.e., not specifically future or past) time. In [9] the hope and in [10], the wish are presented as facts. However, in [9] the liking is presented as a real possibility; in [10] the liking is presented as unreal; the speaker regrets that this is not the situation. The unmarked form shows a distancing in perception of reality.

The idea of distancing in reality explains the use of tenses in the so-called first and second conditions:

11 .George wants to see me tomorrow. If he offers me a rise, I'll stay.
12. George wants to see me tomorrow. If he offered me a rise I'd stay.

In both utterances the time of the situation referred to is clearly future: tomorrow. In [11], the speaker has chosen not to distance the tenses. The use of the unmarked form presents the situation as a real possibility. In [12], the speaker's use of the marked form distances the situation from reality: the prospect of the offer and the staying is less real.

When the context shows that the time of the situation is not future but present or general, then the reality of the situation is complete: we have hypothetical (counterfactual) reality [= unreality, irrealis], as in

13. I'd be in Africa now if the children weren't so settled here.

The speaker is not in Africa, and the children are settled here. The use of the distancing marked form makes this clear. Any attempt to describe this as a special use of a so-called past tense is confusing; it has nothing to do with the past.


There is rarely any doubt about the time; if the context does not make it clear, then the speaker will make the time explicit. In an utterance such as

14. If they were here, we could sort out any difficulties,

the time may be clear to speaker and listener. If it is not, the speaker will add a time marker such as now, tomorrow, next Tuesday, etc.


3.2.3. Distancing in Directness

Some writers claim that the use of could and would in requests is 'more polite' than can and will, as in:

15. Can/could you open the window please?
16. Will/would you post this letter when you go out?

If by 'more polite' we understand 'more diffident, more hesitant, less direct', then this is true. The reason, however, is not simply that some words are more polite than others. It is that could and would are the marked forms of can and will; marked forms distance. Here the distancing is in directness[ We see exactly the same use of marked forms for distancing in:

17. What was your name?
18. A: Did you want something? B: I wondered if you had a moment. I wanted to ask you about the meeting.


3.2.4. Backshifting

Backshifting is the changing of unmarked forms in direct speech to marked forms in indirect speech:

19. John said “I am hungry”.
20. John said (that) he was hungry.

Some writers suggest that, when the reporting verb is in a marked tense, the tenses in the direct speech must be backshifted, as in [20] except when the words said represent an eternal truth, as in [22]:

21. Mr Dover said “Water freezes at 100º Celsius”.
22. Mr Dover said (that) water freezes at 100º Celsius”.

This is simply not true. If the situation reported still holds true at the time of the time of reporting, then backshifting is not obligatory. [20a] is perfectly acceptable (if the speaker believes that John is still hungry:

20a. John said (that) he is hungry.

Equally untrue is the belief that non-backshifting for universal truth is obligatory. Non-backshifting is common, but not essential; [22a] is acceptable:

22a. Mr Dover said (that) water froze at 100º Celsius.

Very often, the use of a backshifted form is optional. If speakers see in some ways the words uttered as being distanced in time, they are likely to backshift the tenses. If they see no distancing, they do not backshift. It follows, therefore, that if a situation no longer hold true, backshifting is obligatory. We cannot say John said (that) he is hungry if we know that he is no longer hungry,


It is clear from the examples given that the use of the marked form does not in itself imply reference to past time. As we noted near the beginning of this article:

We use the marked form when we wish to distance the situation in vividness/time, reality, or directness.
 
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